Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City: Slum Eradication and Population Displacement in Casablanca.

Introduction

Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City is not merely an academic concept; it is a lived reality for millions of residents in rapidly urbanizing developing nations. In Morocco, this dynamic is most visible in Casablanca, where the state's ambitious "Cities Without Slums" (Villes Sans Bidonvilles or VSB) program has reshaped the urban landscape since its launch in 2004.
Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City is not merely an academic concept; it is a lived reality for millions of residents in rapidly urbanizing developing nations.This comprehensive analysis explores how neoliberal economic reforms have driven urban restructuring, often at the expense of vulnerable populations, and examines the complex socio-spatial consequences of slum eradication policies.
By understanding Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City, policymakers and researchers can better grasp the tension between modernization goals and social equity.

The Historical Context of Urban Segregation

To understand contemporary Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City, one must first examine its colonial roots. During the French protectorate (1912–1956), Morocco served as a laboratory for urban experimentation.
Colonial authorities implemented a spatial discourse based on duality, separating the villes nouvelles (new cities built for Europeans) from the ancienne médina (old cities inhabited by Moroccans).
This segregation was justified through narratives of hygiene and cultural protection, resulting disproportionate allocation of public resources to European quarters while Moroccan areas were left with minimal infrastructure.
This historical precedent established a pattern of uneven development that persisted after independence in 1956. Rather than dismantling these spatial inequalities, post-independence governments often ignored the planning needs of growing urban centers, focusing instead on agricultural export economies.
Consequently, rural-to-urban migration surged, leading to the proliferation of informal housing settlements, or slums, particularly in coastal hubs like Casablanca. The legacy of this exclusionary Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City framework is a deeply fragmented metropolis in which formal and informal spaces coexist yet remain socially and economically divided.

The Neoliberal Turn and the VSB Programme

The trajectory of Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City in Morocco shifted dramatically in the 1980s with the adoption Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) sponsored by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. These reforms prioritized privatization, deregulation, and liberalization, integrating Morocco into the global market.
While these policies improved certain macroeconomic indicators, they exacerbated poverty and inequality, hitting the urban poor the hardest. The state, having privatized many assets, lacked the resources to provide adequate public housing, leading to a crisis in urban accommodation.
In response, King Mohammed VI launched the VSB programme in 2004, aiming to eradicate all urban slums in Morocco. This initiative marked a significant intensification of state involvement in urban restructuring, characterized by public-private partnerships.
The programme's logic reflects the core tenets of Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City: it treats housing not just as a social right, but as a commodity within a formalized market.
By 2014, the programme had displaced 277,583 households nationwide, reducing the national slum rate from 8.2% to 4.5%. However, critics argue that this approach prioritizes the city's aesthetic and economic revitalization over the genuine socioeconomic integration of its poorest residents, a hallmark of Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City.

Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City: Geographies of Displacement

A central contribution of recent research on Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City is the distinction between "soft" and "hard" displacement. This dichotomy helps map the changing geographies of poverty in Casablanca, revealing that not all resettlement operations have the same impact on community cohesion and economic stability.

Soft Displacement: Internal Relocation

Soft displacement refers to the relocation of slum-dwellers within the same prefecture or to adjacent districts within Casablanca. For instance, in the Sidi Bernoussi prefecture, many residents from older slums like Douar Sekouila were moved to new social housing projects such as Al Amane or Assalam, which are located in the same administrative area.
While this still involves disruption, it allows residents to maintain proximity to their original social networks and employment opportunities.
In the context of Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City, soft displacement is often seen as less destructive, though it still reinforces peripheralization within the city limits.

Hard Displacement: Expulsion to the Periphery

Hard displacement involves the relocation of populations outside the Casablanca prefecture, typically to surrounding provinces like Médiouna or Nouaceur. This pattern was evident in the eradication of Carrières Centrales, the oldest slum in Morocco, located in the Hay Mohammadi district.
Residents were moved to satellite towns like Lahraouiyine and Tit Mellil, far from the city center. Similarly, slums in the affluent Anfa district were cleared to make way for luxury developments, with residents displaced to distant peripheries.
This form of Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City effectively exports poverty to the margins, creating "ghost cities" where low-income populations face isolation, increased transportation costs, and limited access to services.

Socioeconomic Consequences for Slum-Dwellers

The human cost of Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City is profound and multifaceted. While the VSB programme successfully provided formal housing with access to water and electricity, the socioeconomic outcomes for displaced families are ambiguous.
Many former slum-dwellers report feeling marginalized in their new environments. The loss of collective solidarity and neighborhood identity, which were strong in traditional slums, has led to feelings of isolation and social inferiority.
Furthermore, the financial burden of formal housing is significant. Residents must now pay for utilities, maintenance fees, and mortgage installments, which were nonexistent in informal settlements.
For many low-income families, these new expenses are unsustainable, leading to debt and even the risk of eviction. Additionally, hard displacement exacerbates economic vulnerability by increasing commuting times and costs.
Public transportation networks often fail to adequately connect peripheral satellite towns to the economic hub of Casablanca, forcing residents to rely on expensive and unsafe informal transport.
This highlights a critical flaw in Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City: the failure to integrate housing policy with broader economic and transport infrastructure planning.

Political Contestation and State Power

The implementation of the VSB programme has also sparked political contestation, revealing the authoritarian undertones of Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City. The state has adopted a top-down approach, minimized citizen participation, and treated slum eradication as a technical rather than a social issue.
This has led to widespread protests and mobilizations among slum-dwellers, who demand transparency, fairness in beneficiary selection, and better living conditions in resettlement sites.
Local authorities have been accused of using slum-dwellers as electoral tools, promising relocation to secure votes while failing to deliver on commitments. The suppression of dissent and the use of force in some evictions underscore the redeployment of state power through urban space.
In this sense, Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City serves not only economic objectives but also political ones, reinforcing state control over marginalized populations. However, the resilience and mobilization of slum-dwellers indicate the emergence of a more organized civil society, challenging the dominant narrative of passive recipients of state benevolence.

Lessons for Future Policy

The case of Casablanca offers valuable lessons for Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City globally. First, it demonstrates that slum eradication cannot be achieved through displacement alone.
Upgrading existing informal settlements, where feasible, preserves social capital and reduces disruption. Second, housing policies must be integrated with employment, transport, and social services to ensure genuine integration. Third, participatory approaches that involve communities in decision-making are essential for sustainable outcomes.
Critics of Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City argue that without addressing the root causes of poverty and inequality, such programmes will continue to produce spatial fragmentation and social exclusion.
The Moroccan experience suggests that a shift from a purely market-driven model to one that prioritizes social justice and inclusive growth is necessary. This requires rethinking the role of the state not just as a facilitator of private investment, but as a guarantor of social rights.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the study of Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City in Casablanca reveals the complex interplay between global economic forces, state power, and local livelihoods. While the VSB programme has reduced the physical presence of slums, it has also created new forms of marginalization through displacement and financial exclusion.
The distinction between soft and hard displacement provides a nuanced understanding of these impacts, highlighting the need for differentiated policy responses.
As cities worldwide grapple with rapid urbanization and inequality, the insights from Casablanca are increasingly relevant. Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City must evolve to prioritize inclusivity, ensuring that urban transformation benefits all residents, not just the elite.
By learning from the successes and failures of the Moroccan experience, policymakers can design more equitable and sustainable urban futures. The ongoing value of this research lies in its ability to critique dominant paradigms and offer alternative visions for Urban Planning in the Neoliberal City that center on human dignity and social cohesion.